Difficult to judge the polls

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Africans like any other third world people have a long way to go when it comes to giving validity to opinion polls. In western democratic societies opinion polls are taken seriously because they tend to give the true picture of the situation. But in Kenya for instance, we tend to answer what we think the questioner is trying to get at. Hence the outcome of the recent Steadman Group polls mean different things to different groups depending on which political camp one sympathizes with.

The Kalonzo Musyoka team thinks the polls were tailored and or doctored by the state to favor his Orange Democratic Movement (ODM) Raila Odinga in order to confuse the electorate. It is so sad for Kalonzo to come to this conclusion because it is impossible for the state (read the Kibaki team) to tailor the polls and make it appears as if Raila is more popular than the head of state himself.
At least Musyoka’s presidential running mate Dr. Julia Ojiambo is more intelligent when she noted that the poll was not credible when she notes, “I don’t believe in opinion polls because they always reflect the wishes of those who pay for them.” I can this; I agree with Ms. Ojiambo that there are many doctored scientific findings and opinions polls that are funded by specific groups to further their causes etc.

The Mwingi North MP promised that his party, Orange Democratic Movement Kenya (ODM-K), would prove the pollster wrong. He claimed the mood in the country indicated ODM-K was taking a lead as people were allegedly questioning the credibility of his opponents.
In the ODM camp, they are elated in cloud nine. Raila presidmatila running mate Musalia Mudavadi did not mince his word when he was quoted to have said, the polls “was a clear indication that ODM was headed for victory in the General Election”. This camp thinks they have already won the general election and presidency as they do not doubt the polls at all. In fact they agree it to be the true representation of the mood in the country.

The Kibaki’s camp opinion is varied from one side that refer the polls as “a wake-up call” being reminder to them to go out and campaign for the head of state re-election with more vigor. This side of NARC Kenya politicians is on the view that they did not doubt the result mainly because their team (PNU) had delayed to roll out its campaign, while presidential candidate Raila Odinga and his ODM team had already hit the road.

To the other side like the NARC Kenya Chairman Raphael Tuju dismissing the polls by noting, “Although I have not studied it, an opinion poll is just an opinion. It is not an election. The most important poll comes on the voting day.” Others in this side includes that talkative but lately very silent JJ Kamotho, dismissing the poll as propaganda campaign.

The Mathioya legislator who was once upon a time a die hard Raila supporter now turned Kibaki sympathizer notes, “People should not be worried or look at them as gospel truth.” Kamotho claimed statistics could be used to cheat and peddle lies and further portray, please or offend any given party.

On my part I can boldly assert that the opinion polls are not a true reflection of what is going on the ground at grassroots and or constituencies level. For instance what has Raila done for the Lang’ata MP to rise in the polls? The Steadman Group wants to be in the limelight so that it can make money. There is no way that the pollsters were able to conduct the survey in 53 districts as they claim.

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When the Kibaki re-election team was unveiled, one of the local dailies had a banner headline “Key ministers left out of Kibaki’s re-election team.” The fact that those key ministers were left out in the 29-member Kibaki re-election campaign team is not a negative move by President Mwai Kibaki and those who compiled the list. All but two of those key ministers mentioned in that banner headline hail from Mt. Kenya. Mukhisa Kituyi and Mutua Katuku are the two who hail from other regions. The Trade and Industry minister has since decamped to Soita Shitanda-led New Ford Kenya party, while the Water Resource minister has stayed put in NARC Kenya.

Had all those individuals been included in the committee, the balance on the team would have tipped in favour of Central province (read Mt. Kenya) as opposed it being a balanced team for a national presidency. The way I see it is that, the whole idea is to have a balance campaign team, a face of Kenya (and not that of Mt. Kenya) where all regions are equally represented. There was a need to not make it a Mount Kenya affair. For instance, it is only the cosmetic presence of Raphael Tuju, Kipruto arap Kirwa and Suleman Shakombo and perhaps a few other little known politicians, that was giving NARC Kenya a national outlook when everyone knew or knows the party is a Mt. Kenya political outfit.

Had the Kibaki campaign re-election team been crowded with Mt. Kenya politicians, Kibaki rivals in ODM and ODM-K would have had a field day in reminding Kenyans that Kibaki presidency is a Mt. Kenya fairs particularly with Uhuru Kenyatta joining the campaign. But now, the PNU team is national one with a cross tribal outlook as it should be. Although chaired by the head of state himself, it is being shepherded by the Agriculture minister Kipruto arap Kirwa, assisted by five key party leaders, Kenyatta, Musikari Kombo, Chirau Mwakwere, Joseph Munyao and Simon Nyachae. The team has members from all the eight provinces in the country, with membership that has co-opted Mrs. Linah Jebii Kilimo, and Dr. Naomi Shaban amongst others.

Any PNU critic will find it difficult to criticize the team and to perhaps claim that it doesn’t have a national outlook. Those banner headlines from media houses are trying to create a wedge between the head of state and his Mt. Kenya base politicians by inciting negativity in the omission of those key individuals. It is funny, one is dammed when he does and dammed when he doesn’t, because had the Mt. Kenya politicians been co-opted, the same media houses would have labeled the whole team is a Mt. Kenya affair.

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They say, the only thing that doesn’t change is changes itself. The country’s political realignment keeps on changing by the day. The latest notable political move is that of the Trade and Industry Minister Dr. Mukhisa Kituyi who has decamped from NARC Kenya to the little known, Housing Minister Soita Shitanda-led New Ford Kenya party. The Kimilili MP was the secretary general of NARC Kenya and his move raise eyebrows as to NARC Kenya are seen to losing its key players who not hailing form Mt. Kenya region.

It was once thought that NARC Kenya was the party of President Mwai Kibaki in which its ticket Kibaki will use to seek re-election. Many politicians supporting the head of state joined thinking it was the right party to in until it emerged that was more leaning to be a Mt. Kenya political outfit. Some visionary politicians such as Mwakwere and others left the party and went to strengthen their regional parties still supporting Kibaki. The president has since declared his party of choice and NARC Kenya was reduced to being one of the five major parties that form the Party of National Unity that will see President Mwai Kibaki presidential re-election.

I would think Kituyi’s action will be a wake-up call to likes of Heritage Minister Suleman Shakombo and junior Justice and Constitutional Minister Dunson Mungatana and other Coast politicians who are in PNU to shift their ‘party affiliation caucus’ and join Shirikisho Party of Kenya. This way the Coast politicians who are supporting the re-election of President Kibaki would then be in the same bigger camp (PNU) and in the same sub-camp (Shirikisho).

The move of shifting party affiliation should be an easy one as the Likoni MP has no known major political differences with Mwakwere/Dzorro group that would make the shift difficult. If Raila Odinga-led NDP merged with former President Daniel arap Moi KANU, then any other merge would be a piece of cake. I say this because there are no irreconcilable political differences, and as such Mungatana and the Mwakwere group should reconcile and unite and make Shirikisho a stronger Coast political party. Both Garsen and Matuga lawmakers are in the same camp backing President Kibaki re-election bid.

Once Shakombo and Mungatana join Shirikisho, other Coast politicians who are not in PNU alliance such as the Malindi and Bahari legislators Lucas Maitha and Joe Khamis respectively would be compelled to follow suit or they loose their parliamentary seats. Right now these two individuals are supporting ODM Kenya and Kalonzo Musyoka whose political supported is restricted to his Ukambani home region. The Mwingi North MP has no shot of winning the presidency, a fact that he himself is very much aware of. One would hope that Joe Hamisi and his friends would have the intelligence to realize this fact.

If Nicholas Biwott can sit down with Gideon Moi and Kipruto arap Kirwa to map out strategy for their region and people, why can’t the Coast politicians do the same thing fro their region and people? Luhya politicians are all in Ford Kenya and New Ford Kenya; the Kisii politicians are in Ford People, Mt. Kenya region politicians have all converged in NARC Kenya et al.

Boldly speaking I am not apologetic in asking Coast politicians to unite for the sake of their region and people. Mwakwere/Dzorro group have paved the way forward in the region but they need the support of everyone to make the great leap forward.

omarahmedali@gmail.com

A case for a Coastal VP

Since independence the country has had three presidents and nine vice presidents, none of whom has hailed from Coast or North Eastern provinces. As for the North Eastern province one could argue that the province is sparsely and least populated in the country as the reason. But as for the Coast province, it is pure marginalization of the region and its people.

Central province has had the lion’s share where it has produced two presidents and one vice president, the founding President Mzee Jomo Kenyatta and the incumbent President Mwai Kibaki. The longtime Othaya MP served his predecessor former President Moi as his first vice president. The expansive Rift Valley province has produced Moi, who first served as Kenyatta’s third and final vice president, before ascending to the presidency himself where he reigned for almost quarter of a century. Kenyatta’s second VP Joseph Murumbi also hailed from this region and so is Moi’s third VP George Saitoti.

Nyanza province produced the country’s founding VP in the named of Mzee Jaramogi Odinga Oginga. Even ‘Nairobi Area’ as a province has had its share of producing a VP in the name of Dr. Josephat Karanja then the MP for Mathare after having shifted his political base from Githunguri. Western province has had the highest number of vice presidents, Musalia Mudavadi, the late Kijana Wamwalwa and the current Moody Awori in that order.

Without beating about the bush it is high time that a Coastal be named vice president. The only person who could make that happen is none other than President Mwai Kibaki. I say so because the two leading presidential candidates opposing the incumbent, Raila Odinga and Kalonzo Musyoka have both already named their running mates who both happen not to be Coastal politicians and incidentally both hail from, you guess it, Western province.

President Kibaki on the other hand is not compelled to name a running mate and has the vintage advantage to name his vice president after the general election. Considering the fact that Kibaki will retire after serving the second and final term (using his own words), it gives him more power and leverage to right some of the wrongs.

When it comes to Muslims, more than forty years after independence, no Muslim has ever come close to be appointed to the vice presidency position. Mzee Jomo Kenyatta did not even see the need or importance of appointing a Muslim to his cabinet. Muslims did not matter in the Kenyatta presidency. Kenyatta successor former head of state Moi on his part only saw the need as a returning a favor to Gen Mahmud Mohamed who had saved his government from the ’82 August coup plotters, when he appointed the Dujis MP Hussein Maalim Mohamed (a brother to Gen. Mohamed) as the first Muslim cabinet minister in the country. It was only toward the end of his long presidency when Moi went head and added two other Muslims to his cabinet. The late Sharrif Nassir served for close to two years and Ijara MP Yussuf Haji joined the cabinet for a very short stint.

Among the three head of states, Kibaki is the only one who is seen to have or be going against the grain by treating Coastals and Muslims as equal citizens of Kenya. In his government, Muslims and the Coast people are holding positions of high profile and powerful cabinet posts, from diplomatic to senior bureaucratic positions.

To speak boldly, if a black man in a racial sensitive United States, Senator Barrack Obama, ironically with Kenya ancestry, can become a serious presidential contender in a major political party, the appointment of a Muslim and or a Coastal vice president should not be seen as an impossible dream.

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Kibaki the best brand in 2007

If there is any politician among the three presidential candidates who is marketable to the electorate is none other than President Mwai Kibaki. Like him or hate him, Kibaki is a tried hand in both management and politics. Kenyans and the electorate have seen the good Kibaki has done to the country in general as their head of state.

One political commentator opposed to the Kibaki candidacy wrote claiming that it would be difficult to market the Kibaki brand. He notes, “It is the season in which the President’s campaign corps hate to be reminded of the outlandish police raid on the Standard Group, Anglo Leasing, and the transformation of the Office of the President, Kenya Revenue Authority, Treasury and Central Bank into modern day exhibition halls of cronyism and tribalism.”

There is cronyism in Kenya as there cronyism in the USA, UK and everywhere in the democratic world. Corruption too is everywhere not restricted to Kenya. I am not saying that because it exists everywhere then it is acceptable, but fighting corruption is not the work of the government alone but the country as a whole. The reason why I raise it here is because the way Kibaki opponents raise these twin issues of corruption and cronyism is as if the world is free of corruption and cronyism but Kenya. Look everywhere in the country, and you will see cronyism and corruption.

It is marketing Raila Odinga and Kalonzo Musyoka that is going to prove to be challenging. All the euphoria that is seen in urban areas and supported by the media houses will not turn in votes. Majority of Kenya’s electorate is rural based and do not read or have access to the newspapers. The two Orange candidates, Raila and Musyoka have not been tested in any executive leadership position. There is nothing to write home about when it comes to Raila Odinga as the country’s minister of Energy (under Daniel arap Moi) and Roads and Public Works under Kibaki. What we know is that Raila returned the roads money back to the treasury when the country roads were still in depilated conditions.

Kalonzo Musyoka who has served in more than four ministries and mainly in Foreign Affairs did nothing memorable that one can recall in an instant. Although the Mwingi North MP likes to take credit for the twin Sudan and Somalia peace agreements as his brainchild but the fact remains that Kenya’s lack of articulated foreign policy is Musyoka’s fault and no one else’s.
Kenyans should not be hoodwinked to vote Raila or Kalonzo because they hate Kibaki for corruption and cronyism. Who knows what magnitude of corruption and cronyism will Raila and Kalonzo introduce to the country in their governments? The Raila/Musalia-led Orange Democratic Movement (ODM) has already started introducing cronyism in its infant administration by declaring the members of the so-called Pentagon will receive automatic nomination in their respective parliamentary constituencies. If that act is not cronyism, isn’t it corruption? ODM has already started to “distribute power” among themselves even before they have secured it. God only knows what will happen if they win the general election.
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Stop Johnies come lately

NARC Kenya politicians, particularly those who were initially opposed to any form of coalition with the rest of President Kibaki friendly parties should not be allowed to take any leadership positions in the new alliance, Party of National Unity (PNU). I say so because what people are seeing is that people like Foreign Affairs minister Raphael Tuju, Narc Kenya chairman and others, all of sudden are starting to become the face of PNU when they were initially opposed to this alliance.

It is a known fact that, there is a group of non-Mount Kenya stalwarts within Narc Kenya led by the party’s secretary general Mukhisa Kituyi who were opposed to any form of a coalition with like minded political parties. They thought President Kibaki will seek re-election using Narc Kenya ticket and they wanted to shut down all those Kibaki supporters who were opposed to their party. They used the United States President George Bush’s failed mantra on the war on terror; ‘you are either with us or against us’.

Interestingly, Mt. Kenya politicians led by the Keini MP Dr. Christopher Murungaru and others like the youthful Mwangi Kiunjuri knew all along that no single political party in the country could win the election on its own. They also saw that, the successful Kibaki re-election bid needs a coalition of all friendly parties they can assemble that support the head of state. There is no doubt that despite claiming officials coming outside the Mt. Kenya region, Narc Kenya is largely a Mt. Kenya political outfit or put it this way, the party stronghold is in Mt. Kenya region, and not that there in anything wrong with that. It is the way that Ford Kenya and Shirikisho are respectively political outfits of Western and Coast provinces.

The birth of PNU, not Panu as the media has branded it, is credit to Science and Technology minister Dr. Noah Wekesa, who tirelessly chaired all the talks that produced PNU. This is despite the fact that majority of Narc Kenya leadership not only snubbed the talks but went even further to undermine the efforts.

Now that PNU is alive and kicking, it should take a leaf from the American national political parties where Republican and Democratic parties have very few national officials. For instance the Democratic Party has only nine national officials and six congressional leadership officials. The reason for this being that the bulk of the party work is done by their respective state levels offices (equivalent to say branches) where the national office only coordinates. Now let us compare the fifteen officials on the Democratic Party to Narc Kenya’s seventy national officials and you will appreciate what I ma trying to say here. One wonders why Narc Kenya needs eight vice chairmen, three deputy secretaries general, three deputy treasurer and on the list goes. The bloated leadership pitiful is what PNU should avoid to fall into.

Of course we cannot ‘copy and paste’ the American party management system but they can modify it to meet their needs. The best way to make PNU stronger and people friendly is to have very few national leadership positions and bare minimum committees. For instance, the flag bearer, in this case President Kibaki becomes the party leader.

All the respective parties’ leaders and or chairmen of PNU should form the party top organ, the Supreme Committee to be chaired by the president and or the vice president. Another important committee, probably be named coordinating committee or conference committee, could be composed of the parties’ secretary generals and the final one would be the PNU Parliamentary Group. Other than the three committees, the bulk of the PNU work should be relegated or delegated to individual parties the same way United States’ state levels are responsible for the respective political parties’ activities in their respective states.

In truth, I stand

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In all my commentaries, I have been very clear in my support for my native Coast province, the region and people that have been marginalized by two successful governments of Mzee Jomo Kenyatta and Daniel arap Moi. I also have not hidden my support of the courageous political leadership of Chirau Mwakwere who together with other forward looking visionary Coastal leaders are working closely with President Mwai Kibaki and his government for the benefit of the province and the people. And last but not least my support of the national leadership of President Mwai Kibaki has been as clear as blue sky.

I am no politician and eighty percent of the time I do not even reside in Kenya for those who might suspect that my support is more of a flatterer politician and or that of a political sycophant expecting some financial handouts or a presidential appointment. I have supported this president since he came to power. I have never expected anything in return but good governance, free media, national developments, and above all fair distribution of national resources.

Many people are in the view that, since one happens to be a longtime resident of the United States and my name is not what one would have assumed to be from the slopes of Mount Kenya, then I should support the opposition and not the establishment. One of the fundamental cores of the United States foreign policy is that of looking after and protecting their national interests. The same applies to me, Kibaki is best for my region, my people and my country and as such I have no option but support him.

For instance, those who know me and those who have been following my commentaries and analyses know very well that I have been an advocate for the public university to be established at my native province. So when President Kibaki signed in the Kenya Gazette the establishment of two university colleges I was elated. Two successful governments of Presidents Kenyatta and Moi did not see it fit to establish a public university in the region, one of the richest provinces in the country. I have been accused to be a crusader for urging my fellow Coast compatriots not to allow anyone to trivialize this education advancement.

The emergence of the Transport minister has changed the political equation in the region. The Matuga MP is from a populous Mijikenda community and is also a Muslim adherent. The Mijikenda being the populous tribes and the province has a Muslim majority. The regional political leadership of Mwakwere is that of a silent burner, where it cooks without making any noises. Mwakwere is hated by some opposition leaders because the man is unlike previous Coast politicians, he is educated. This is a man with two graduate degrees, and has as much senior governmental working experience as any other Kenyan out there.

Previous Coast political leadership was uneducated, so unfocused such that, some of them were happy with assistant ministerial positions. Coast voters like their previous leadership was taken for granted the same way African-American votes have always been taken for granted by the Democratic Party.

I bring this matter to surface because; the media’s cunning is very biased when it comes to certain politicians. Coast politicians are the first causalities of the media bias, simple because they do not have any editors from the region. For instance when Raila and his group defected from ODM Kenya to ODM, the press did not refer the move as defection. One would have expected the newspapers’ banner headlines the next day to read something like: "Raila Odinga defects” or “Mother of all defections" instead it was "Fallout" or "ODM finally splits" as was the case with two dailies headlines.

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I abhor this discrimation

Two days ago, while presiding over the award ceremony of a university charter to St. Paul's University in Limuru, President Mwai Kibaki noted that ‘the Government is progressively moving towards ensuring that all Kenyan children have access to at least 14 years of education.’
The head of state went on to observe that ‘demand for higher education continues to rise as more secondary students qualify each year for university education, and said government policy calls for strong partnerships between the Government, private sector, and other interested parties in expanding higher education in this country.’
St. Paul University is a catholic university and it is one of the more than a dozen Christian based universities and colleges in the country. Despite such a high number of Christian religion oriented institutes there is not a single Islamic University in the country. All the Christian colleges and universities are recognized by the government through the ministry of education. Interestingly the three Islamic colleges that exist in the country are not recognized by the same Ministry of Education. A clear double standard on the part of the George Saitoti’s run Ministry of Education.

While speaking during a launch of National Muslim Education Trust (NMET) in Mombasa recently, a senior official of the trust, Sheikh Ahmad Msallam stated, "There has been several attempts and efforts made to get authority to start an Islamic University but it has proved difficult to get an interim certificate from the commission of higher authority." The trust has already set aside the required piece of land where they want to have the institution outside Mombasa.
President Mwai Kibaki was very clear when he pointed out that government policy calls for strong partnerships between the Government, private sector, and other interested parties in expanding higher education in this country. NMET is one of those other interested parties (a religious one) that want to expand higher education in Kenya.
Msallam and his group are forwarding their memorandum, with regards to being given permission to establish the university, directly to the head of state as their previous efforts have met deaf ear from the chairman of the Commission for Higher Education Prof. Kihumbu Thairu. The proposed Islamic University aims to offer degrees in business administration, sciences and computer, far beyond theological studies.
While visiting Garissa earlier this month President Kibaki emphasized that his Government does not condone any form of discrimination and assured the Muslim community that they will not be discriminated on the basis of their religion. Boldly speaking Mr. President what is going on at the Commission for Higher Education is pure discrimination and it must stop. Thairu and his team are practicing a form of discrimination against these private Muslims and Islam establishment.
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If you cannot beat them, join them

The decision not to contest the presidency by Uhuru Kenyatta in this year’s general election was settled way back after the Gatundu South MP lost the presidential election to President Mwai Kibaki in 2002 general election. His announcement on Thursday that KANU will not seek the presidency was a mere formality. It’s like pregnancy, where one knows the mother will have baby, but it takes nine months for the bay to be born.

Uhuru’s best shot for the presidency was in 2002, where former president Daniel arap Moi thought he was literally handing over the presidency to his predecessor’s son. Moi himself has since opted to support Kibaki’s re-election bid and says he will campaign for the re-election of his successor, the person whom Moi did everything in his power to block from winning the presidency in 2002. I guess if you can’t beat them join them. With Moi opting out and with Uhuru Kenyatta lacking a national constituency it was a foregone conclusion for Uhuru to throw the towel.
One can say that Kenyatta has made the best decision in his political career, for opting not to compete for the presidency in the coming general election. Not only would he have lost at the presidency level, but he would definitely have emerged in third or fourth place and certainly would have lost his Gatundu South parliamentary seat. What was interesting to me was what Uhuru said. The Gatundu legislator was quoted to have said that he was not the type to run for the presidency just for the sake of it, but one to do so only when he was sure of a win. He went on to add that ‘We are not people who just run. We run when we are sure we can win. I am leading the party to the next government.’
The way I see it is that, Uhuru is supporting Kibaki because the president is the better candidate and deserve a second and final term to complete what his Government has started. Uhuru is supporting him because he has no choice and no chance of beating him. The support of Uhuru to President Kibaki re-election campaign is only symbolic. It is in fact more beneficial to Mr. Kenyatta and his team than it is to Kibaki. Uhuru and his team bring virtually nothing to the table. For instance, in his native Central province where in the last election he was able to secure a good chunk of votes, this time around the region is firmly rallying behind the incumbent. Kibaki does not need to waste time campaigning in his native province.

In Rift Valley where under Moi, the expansive and the most populous province became the core of KANU is today having their own agenda independent of KANU and Uhuru Kenyatta. The region’s politicians are campaigning for one of their own to be appointed Kibaki vice president in return for supporting Kibaki re-election. Without Central and Rift Valley provinces, Uhuru and or KANU have nothing to talk about or to bring to the table. The Coast KANU politicians in mainly from Taita Taveta and Wundanyi have already declared their support for Kibaki. In fact the seaside province based Shirikisho is at the forefront in the Kibaki friendly parties’ coalition talks at the bona fide representative of the province.

It will be interesting to see how KANU’s position will be in the Kibaki allied coalition of friendly parties.

The writer can be reached at: omarahmedali@gmail.com

COASTAL UNIVERSITY STATUS IS A REASON TO CELEBRATE

Coast given three public universitycolleges by the Government

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Coastweek - - Presidential political goodies or not, Coast people have every reason to be elated for being given three public university colleges by the Government of President Mwai Kibaki.

After more than forty years of independence and two successful governments of Mzee Jomo Kenyatta and Daniel arap Moi that span for all those years but five, the region had been marginalized in all aspects of developments particularly in education.

Other than the sparsely and least populated North Eastern province, all the country's other six provinces have public and private institutes of higher learning, or universities.
That is until when the head of state was visiting Coast province the last week of August.
In that Tuesday's Kenya Gazette President Kibaki upgraded six institutions in the country to university status, two of them located at the Coast.
This is a good reason to celebrate.

Although plans for Pwani University were already in the high gear after the government received the much needed financial boost from the Kingdom of Saudi Arabia, but the Kibaki government still went ahead and upgraded Mombasa Polytechnic (or MIOME) to a university college status.
In addition Jomo Kenyatta University - Taita Taveta Campus, a constituent college of JKUCAT, will soon open its doors for students.
Coast people should not allow this educational development and or advancement be played down or trivialized by anyone.

When other provinces were being given 'political goodies" by the founding president Mzee Jomo Kenyatta and his successor Daniel arap Moi, no one played down or trivialized the "goodies".
Why should the Coastal people allow that to happen now ?

With three university colleges in the province, the region now wants a constituent college or a satellite campus of Utalii College to be set up in Mombasa or Malindi.
As the backbone of the country tourism industry the Coast region deserves at least a satellite campus of Utalii College if not a fully fledged Utalii like college.

Education is the key to any and all developments.

Omar Ahmed Ali,

Philadelphia, U.S.A.

Why Shirikisho’s Kibaki endorsement rational

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Shirikisho Party of Kenya under the stewardship of the Transport Minister Chirau Mwakwere and deputized by his Tourism & Wildlife counterpart Morris Dzorro has rightly resolved to back the re-election of President Mwai Kibaki through the yet to be identified grand national coalition. While making the official party announcement on this key endorsement, the Matuga MP cited Kibaki’s more than excellent development record particularly as it pertains to Coast province and the country in general as the reason for the party’s support.

It is against this backdrop that this week I have chosen to answer Hon. Najib Balala who castigated the Pwani grown and Coast based Shirikisho’s courageous stand of backing President Kibaki candidacy. It was not surprising for the one time Mombasa mayor to criticize Shirikisho for endorsing President Mwai Kibaki’s re-election bid. Balala, who is always known to be playing second fiddle to the Up-country politicians, wanted the Coast based party to support his party of choice, one of the oranges.

In his criticism Balala notes, “It was obvious that they would back President Kibaki ... they are desperate to raise their profile and also get money for campaigning. Their move is not based on ideology because the SPK is for devolved government while Kibaki is for central government.”

It is a known fact that political parties in Kenya are based on ideologies. Every political party and politicians alike strive to raise their profiles. This is the name of the game. Even Balala himself was just raising his personal political profile by agreeing to act as Odinga’s proxy when he (Balala) pretended to be seeking one of the orange parties’ presidential nominations. Who was he fooling with his phony presidential nomination pretense? The former State Minister for National Heritage had more chances of resurrecting the dead or seeing God than winning the party presidential nomination let alone the presidency.
According to Balala, SPK “no longer represents the wishes and aspirations of the Coast people” and went on to add that the vacuum Shirikisho had left would be filled by Orange Democratic Movement-Raila, which stands for a devolved system of Government. The question comes, if he Balala thought that (until this Kibaki endorsement by Shirikisho), the Shirikisho represented the ‘wishes and aspirations of the Coast people’ why wasn’t he in Shirikisho in the first place. He has never associated himself with Shirikisho, instead he was and he has always allied himself with Raila to the extent of being termed as one of his poodles. I poise this question to the illustrious Balala: ‘Does Raila represent ‘the wishes and aspirations’ of the Coast people’?
The Mvita MP goes on and points out that on their (meaning Shirikisho) demand for the VP’s position if Kibaki wins the elections, would not happen. He notes, “They should forget the VP’s position... it is impossible ... money they will get but not that seat.” Perhaps I should remind Balala that at least Shirikisho leader Chirau Mwakwere is making the case for the vice presidency. Whether they will be given or not is completely another matter. Even Rift Valley and Western provinces’ politicians who like their Shirikisho counterparts are making the case for the same number two slot.
But Balala did not make the case for the number two slot even for himself. If I may take if further, even the non existent prime minister’s post under the ODM-Raila government, the prime minister designate is William Ruto and not Balala. Many suspect that Balala will be happy with the glorified deputy prime minister’s post that is also nonexistent in our constitution.
It is safe to infer that it is the inferiority complex of Balala when it comes to his personal academic achievement. For instance, among all the ODM presidential candidates, only Balala is the one without a university degree—even an undergraduate one. Although education is not the barometer of being a good leader, but one needs some level of university education to be able to comprehend and appreciate certain matters.
I can boldly say that Balala and other Coast leaders who are opposed to Shirikisho, in their effort to strive to appear to be nationalists enjoy playing second, third, fourth and even fifth fiddle to Up-country politicians and their political outfit. They are being used as farasi was vita (fighting horse). A case in point, Balala’s successor at the National Heritage portfolio Suleman Shakombo, the Bahari MP Joe Khamis, Lucas Maitha of Malindi all these Coast leaders are used by their masters in the fight for the Coast voters. Sad to say but they are so naïve that they don’t see that they are at the forefront popularizing Up-country parties in their region at the expense of their own people. If Nicholas Biwott, Kipruto arap Kirwa and Gideon Moi can sit down and strategize to form a strong Rift Valley alliance why can’t Shakombo, Khamis and Maitha do the same.
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Kudos, Mr President!

Presidential political goodies or not, Coast people have every reason to be elated for being given three public university colleges by the Government of President Mwai Kibaki. After more than forty years of independence from the colonial bondage and two successful governments of Mzee Jomo Kenyatta and Daniel arap Moi that span for all those years but five, the region had been marginalized in all aspects of developments including education.

Other than the sparsely and least populated North Eastern province, all the country’s other six provinces have state institutes of higher learning, or universities.

That is until when the head of state was visiting Coast province the last week of August. In that Tuesday's Kenya Gazette President Kibaki upgraded six institutions in the country to university status, two of them located at the Coast. This is a good reason to celebrate. Although plans for Pwani University were already in the high gear after the government received the much needed financial boost from the King Abdulla government of Kingdom of Saudi Arabia, but the Kibaki government still went ahead and upgraded Mombasa Polytechnic (or MIOME) to a university college status and Jomo Kenyatta University –Taita Taveta Campus, a constituent college of JKUCAT, will soon open its doors for students.

Coast people should not allow this educational development and or advancement be played down or trivialized by anyone. When other provinces were being given 'political goodies" by the founding president Mzee Jomo Kenyatta and his successor Daniel arap Moi, no one played down or trivialized the "goodies". Why should the Coastal people allow that to happen now?

With three university colleges in the province, the region now wants a constituent college or a satellite campus of Utalii College to be set up in Mombasa or Malindi. As the backbone of the country tourism industry the Coast region deserves at least a satellite campus of Utalii College if not a fully fledged Utalii like college.

Least it escapes Coast people minds, all these development achievements are been achieved under the watchful eye of current political leaders led by Chirau Ali Mwakwere, the undisputed Coast leader. The Transport minister assisted by his Tourism and Wildlife counterpart Dzorro and others such as the Kisauni and Ganze legislators have been working with the Kibaki government and played a key role in these developments.

It is against this background that I would openly urge my fellow Coastal people particularly the voters not to be wooed by the likes of Balala, Joe Khamisi, Lucas Maitha and others, in voting for the opposition presidential candidates. These opposition politicians are only looking after their individuals’ interests and not that of the region and the Caostals.

Boldly speaking the region should rally behind Mwakwere and Morris Dzorro and other leaders supporting Kibaki through Shirikisho where they should enter into a coalition as a bloc and not as individuals. The political reality is that, Kibaki is going to win re-lection, whether the opposition is united or otherwise. For the opposition being divided it just makes it easier or a smooth ride for Kibaki, but the Othaya MP is poised to win the presidential election anyway.

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Let Kivuitu preside over this poll

If there is any individual among the presidential candidates in the forthcoming general election who would like to see a free and fair election is none other than the incumbent himself. As a true democrat and for his own interest, President Mwai Kibaki has every reason to use all the power in disposal to ensure that the general election will be conducted in an atmosphere which is free and fair.

It is from this background that it would be a wise move if President Kibaki were to extend the term of office for the two senior Election Commission of Kenya, or ECK, commissioners, whose terms will expire before the general election. The ECK Chairman Samuel Kivuitu and his Deputy Gabriel Mukele are the commissioners in question.

The extension should not be for more than one year. Ideally it should be for another six months at the very least. This way the two together with the rest of ECK will preside over the general election, be involved in the election petitions that would crop up et al. In addition it would give them time, a couple of months, to clear their desks and hand over to the new commissioners. If need be, the extension should be voted in parliament for the parliamentarians approval in order to give it some legitimacy. I am certain majority if not all legislators would be in agreement when it comes to this matter.

As I have pointed before, there is no need to give the two commissioners another five year terms, as someone like Kivuitu has served the ECK for more than fifteen years. Other Kenyans need to be given a chance to make their contribution in the election process by managing and or serve in the ECK.

Kivuitu has done a great job in steering the ECK and as such he should be given a chance to complete his career by presiding over the frothing general which some have already dubbed it to be ‘a mother of all general elections’. Truth be told, Kivuitu is one Kenyan positioned to be very impartial as he has done so time and time again.

If any other ECK chairman is appointed prior to the general election it would be seen by the opposition politicians to be favoring the incumbent. One cannot fault the opposition who are usually seeking an opportunity to criticizing the incumbent even if for the sake of criticizing. To avoid any cloud of shadow Kibaki would be better to have Kivuitu preside in the coming general election least the opposition get the opportune chance to claim fraud et al.

I boldly urge President Kibaki to make this extension sooner rather than later.

Comments are welcomed: omarahmedali@gmail.com

Higher park charges will hurt boat operators businesses

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A recent article by Edmund Kwena in the Daily Nation about Shimoni boat operators was well timed.
The writer painted a clear picture of the issues facing the boat operators and the tension that is brewing in this part of the world.
As reported, the boat operators are protesting against the proposed raise in marine park fees that will drastically affect their earnings from tourists.
According to the spokesperson for the Kisite Private Boat Operators Association, Mr Kassim Mohamed, the current rate of $10 being (Sh690) charged by the Kenya Wildlife Service (KWS), is already hurting their business.
Therefore, the proposed 100 per cent raise from next July will be catastrophic, to say the least. Almost all products and services in Kenya and the world over are becoming more expensive due to rising costs of production and other economic factors.
For this reason, many people may wonder why boat operators are protesting against higher park fees that are not even charged to them in the first place. The fee is actually paid by the visiting foreigners directly to the KWS.
However, if one has a little understanding of the tourists, he will agree that they are the kind of individuals likely to be greatly discouraged to tour if park fees are raised.
Wasini Island Restaurant, Shimoni Slave Caves, the Kisite Marine Park, and the Mpunguti National Reserve in the area are visited mainly by second-tier visitors, who opt out of Maasai Mara and other relatively expensive Kenya tourists’ destinations.
Therefore, these south coast attractions have naturally fallen into the category of discounted or less costly destinations for visitors with less money such as foreign students.
KWS ought to think along these lines when planning to improve these parks and services. Great planning must consider all the stakeholders.
Not all tourists can go to Tsavo or take a flights to Maasai Mara. Some can only afford a few dollars for the Kisite swim and the Wasini Coral Gardens.
But the whole issue is not how much tourists can afford to pay at the park. Rather, the boat operators are concerned that the frequent fee increments are destroying their business.
When their prime fishing areas were “fenced off” to become marine parks in the 1970s, Wasini residents decided to become boat operators rather than fishermen.
It became a crime to fish in these parks and since they did not want to fish in Tanzanian waters, they diversified to tourist boats with great re-investment.
Tanzanians do not take kindly to Kenyans who fish in their waters.
The said Shimoni boat operators are typical low resources villagers, who can hardly make ends meet.
In the context of increased regulations regarding taxes, required boat safety-gear and mandatory insurance, their business is already becoming unprofitable and difficult to sustain.
KWS can put a smile on these tax-paying hardworking boat operators by proposing a park-fee that will attract more visitors.
In any case, park fees can be decreased or eliminated in order to save boat operators from losing their livelihoods.
Clearly, the proposed park fees will definitely hurt tourism and families in the areas.
There are many park services that need to be improved. Logically, higher fees may take care of this. But Wasini residents will not be able see it this way due to their current conditions.

ABDILLAHI S. ALAWY,

Wasini Island, Shimoni.

Publication Date: 8/17/2007

Coast legislators' sleeping

It seems to me and to many Wa’pwani that there is a group of Coast MPs and or politicians who are always seen to be very happy to blindly play second fiddle to their up-country counterparts. There is no need for naming names here as these politicians and or individuals know themselves and the people know them too. These individuals are known to be following Raila Odinga like his poodles, and others tag along behind Kalonzo Musyoka. Then they are those who are rallying behind Uhuru Kenyatta simply because they feel indebted to Mzee Jomo Kenyatta and or Daniel arap Moi.

In addition there they are those just because they have been given "senior" national level party positions and are opportunists who are rallying behind NARC Kenya, despite all the indications that the party belong to the people of Mt. Kenya.

This group of politicians have the audacity to shamelessly brand Shirikisho Party of Kenya, the only Coast based party, a tribal party. Although Shirikisho is a regional party, it is by no means a tribal one. Bear in mind that there is nothing wrong for being tribal party, but Shirikisho is not one of them and it should be known as such. A regional party and a tribal one are two different monkeys. A tribal party tends to be restricted to certain regions where the tribe resides, but a regional party cannot necessarily be a tribal one. It is on this background that unlike some other provinces, Coast province is not a homogenous one; hence a regional party cannot be a tribal party in tandem.

A political party is a political organization that seeks to attain political power for its people. It is a vehicle that should poised to usher development for it people and or region. These Coast politicians opposed to Shirikisho must be blind metaphorically and literally for not seeing those perceived to be 'tribal parties' that have successfully been able to bring beef to their people. Excellent examples, Simon Nyachae-led Ford People and the Luhya's own pride Ford Kenya party under the strong leadership of the Local Government minister Musikari Kombo.

If I may ask, where were the Coast MPs when Kombo secured several presidential appointments as a compromise for his party to accept the government proposed list of EALA nominees? Coast legislators were perhaps hiding in other people's parties, suppressed to an extent that they cannot even breathe let alone shout. The funny of it all is that the Coast pick for the EALA slot was not proposed by a Coastal lawmaker but Justice & Constitutional Minister for reason best known to Martha Karua. And to add slat to the injury, none of the Coast legislators knew of Ms. Sakina Sungu Kwekwe before her name was proposed by Karua. Can any Coast MPs dispute this fact?

Label Ford People and Ford Kenya regional and or tribal party or whatever one wants but the fact remain that the two parties have had 'their people' (read tribesmen/women) appointed to important government positions from cabinet to permanent secretaries to ambassadorial and to parastatal heads. Western province, the home base of Ford Kenya has a fully fledged university. Does the Coast have a university yet?

If Shirikisho was tribal party and or Mijikenda party look at the multi-tribal lineup of its national leadership. Apart from ministers Mwakwere and Dzorro, the national Chairman is Mwashengu wa Mwachofi, Secretary General Yussuf Abubakar, Vice Chairman John Safari Mumba --the three individuals are from three different and distinct tribes. And so are Mwakwere and Dzorro.

Finally when it comes to Shirikisho there is this erroneous notion that the Mijikenda people are one tribe. The online Wikipedia dictionary describe the Mijikenda as follows: "The Mijikenda ("the nine cities") are the nine ethnic groups along the coast of Kenya from the border of Somalia in the north to the border of Tanzania in the south. The Mijikenda include the Digo, Chonyi , Kambe, Duruma, Kauma, Ribe, Rabai, Jibana, and Giriama. Each have unique customs and language, although the languages are similar to each other and to Swahili."

Boldly speaking, instead of the Coast politicians catch the moment to join hands and unite for the sake of their people under the Shirikisho banner, they are the first ones disowning the party and praising other people’s parties.


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In a separate but related story, Shirikisho Party of Kenya is rising as a major player in the emerging political coalitions in the country. President Mwai Kibaki’s friendly parties’ leadership who trying to revive NARC are courting the party and at the same time KANU and the little known Labour Party of Kenya (now with Kalonzo Musyoka) all are seen to be cozying up to Shirikisho to join forces with them in what they refer as the potential third force. For the first term a Coast based political is poised to play an important role in the future government of the country.

All this did not happen out of fluke and is not that surprising at all. Before I go on, I would remind the two senior Shirikisho officials, the secretary general and the vice chairman, Yusuf Abubakar and John Safari Mumba respectively, that they will be fooling themselves if they believe that Shirikisho without Mwakwere, Dzorro, Ananiah Mwaboza, Joseph Kingi, Gonzi Rai and Abdalla Ngozi and their core supporters would have been taken seriously by any coalition groupings. If the two and other officials think so, then they are kidding and fooling themselves concurrently.
It must be remembered that the party was founded in 1997 by a veteran Coast trade unionist Mbwana Warrakah. The vision of the party was attributed to fighting for rights of landlessness and unemployment among the indigenous people. The founders of this party had a vision for the Coast people that have remained unfulfilled. Certain political power hungry people hijacked the party from the original founders, removed them unceremoniously and then messed up the party.
It was for this reason that Shirikisho did not receive the mass support the Warrakah-led party founders had envisaged and were potential to amass. Even before the mess up, the party was able to get its first member of parliament in the same year's general election -- Suleman Shakombo captured the Likoni seat from a KANU incumbent. Seeing a leadership vacuum the Likoni MP tried to hijack the party and imposed himself as the chairman simply because he was the only party legislator. Under pressure from then President Moi, the Likoni MP defected to KANU and almost sold the party to Moi.
In 2002, Shakombo changed political camps from KANU and joined NARC. Despite all odds Shirikisho was able to retain its parliamentary status by successfully sending its second member to the national assembly, this time around for the Magarini seat—Harrison Kombe. This is not what one could call a chequered history, and although not in the “little known league”, Shirikisho has never been taken seriously and was not considered a player in either national or region politics until very recently.

Enter Mwakwere, Dzorro, Mwaboza, Kingi, Ria, Ngozi and their supporters, overnight the party gets a new lease of life by gaining two full cabinet ministers, two assistant ministers and two more MPs. And when you include Kombe, the party has all in all seven legislators.

It must not be forgotten that this same group of legislators pleaded with their then NARC Kenya party not to field a parliamentary candidate in the Magarini by-election. They urged the government allied party to support Shirikisho's candidate where even the Vice President moody Awori trekked to the rural constituency to campaign for Kombe’s re-election. The party is now comparable to other regional parties such as Ford Kenya and Ford People.

End this emerging pay to play culture

The Mathioya MP, Joseph Kamotho in his recent Op-Ed commentary noted, “Campaign fund raising in an open, transparent and accountable manner is a global phenomenon in the Western democracies.” The former KANU minister went on to add that, the proposed President Mwai Kibaki re-lection fund raising should not be viewed negatively.

It is troubling that President Mwai Kibaki’s Presidential campaign team is organizing “a Sh 1 million per plate lunch” in an effort to raise Sh1 billion campaign funds quickly. Of course the President’s allegedly private Presidential Elections Board is within its rights to conduct the fundraising and for charging such an exorbitant amount of money. But what the fundraiser is doing is paint a glossy picture that Kibaki’s second term will be a reserve for the rich and famous (who can pay their way in) and not for the common man. It is natural to assume that anybody who is going to pay such steep amount of money you can bet your life that he or she must expect to get something in return — ‘pay to play’ so to speak. The campaign team reportedly plans to invite 1,000 exclusive individuals where each and every one of them will cough Sh 1 million and not expect anything in return from the government.

Even in the Western democracies, campaign contributors’ are the ones who are favoured when it comes to ‘administrations’ (and or government) contracts. None of the 1,000 invitees will be expected to turn down an offer of future lucrative government contracts. My question comes, is the Presidential Elections Board introducing a new political culture of pay to play? I would urge President Kibaki or his close associates to act fast and see to it that “millionaires’’ campaign fundraising is put to halt.

This is reminiscent of retired President Daniel Moi strategy of yester-year where individuals were “forced” and or expected to pay from Sh 5 million to Sh 100, 000, where they raised Sh 100 million. This was because Moi was very unpopular and as such his handlers needed money to buy voters who would otherwise would have voted for the opposition. We have not reached the level of the Western democracies where they need large sums of campaign funds to not necessarily bribe voters but for TV, print media ads, brochures, air travels et al. Even those western democracies they do not select certain individuals for high profile campaign fundraising and if they do so, they don’t charge such exorbitant large sum of dough. For instance, even the US Presidents when they go around the country raising campaign funds either for their own Presidential campaign or for their respective parties’ campaign kitty, attendees pay US$2,500 (Sh17, 000) per plate on lunches and perhaps additional US$ 500 to have one take a picture with the President. They don’t pay US$ 15,000 as is the case in Kenya. You know the funny thing, US is the one of the richest nations and Kenya one of the poorest one, and yet in Kenya ‘political campaign contributors’ are expected (if not pressurized) to come up with more money than their US counterparts.

Kamotho and the assistant Minister for Energy Mwangi Kiunjuri in support of this ‘millionaires’ lunch’ fund raising both cited the record breaking Barrack Obama Presidential campaign where his team raised over US$ 30 million as an example of ‘friends’ are assisting their friend financially to win an election. For the benefit of Kamotho, Kiunjuri and everyone else, the fact of the matter is that Obama fundraising collected close to $ 37 million in personal contributions not from 30 or 300 ‘friends’ but from more than two-hundred and fifty thousand friends, supporters and mostly well wishers in four months and not in a couple of hours. If we want to imitate the Western democracies, then instead of the millionaires’ luncheon, the Kibaki campaign team should organize breakfast and lunches around the country.
They can charge a nominal amount of say between Sh 10 to 15,000 per plate in order to have as many people contribute to the campaign kitty. The campaign breakfasts, lunches and even dinners should not be restricted to the Kibaki campaign. The opposition could do the same on their part. This way, Kibaki supporters or one hand and Opposition supporters on the other hand can be able to come up close and personal to see, meet and mingle with their President and or favoured candidates.
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Ngilu’s woes self created

The masaibu of Health Minister Charity Ngilu run with the law has nothing to do with President Mwai Kibaki. Ngilu or anyone else should desist in dragging the President’s name in her troubles of her own making. Many people are wondering why the President’s name is mentioned in this self debacle. The fact of the matter is that, the Kitui Central MP broke the law by helping a police suspect escape from police custody, period. Unless that is not what happened, that police are just harassing Ngilu, the Health Minister broke the law. It doesn’t matter even if those suspects who were assisted their escape were innocent. It is against the law to aid and abate a suspect to escape. This is something Ngilu knows, I know that and everyone else knows that. The way I see it is that, the Kitui Central MP was seeking political sympathy from the unsuspecting public after realizing what she thought was a courageous act had gone too far. Ngilu and others should heed the Police Commissioner’s free advice when he told Ngilu and her fellow politicians: “I want to advise those seeking votes to campaign in their constituencies and not police stations.

There are no votes there.” Maj-Gen Ali could not have been clearer in his free counsel to the politicians. Ngilu was treated just like any other individual but he theatrics by wanted to create a scene hence the hiring of high profile lawyers, Paul Muite, James Orengo and Tom Ojienda. Why did Ngilu need a battery of high profile lawyers if she knows she was not wrong? When did you see a simple police suspect hiring three lawyers, even before he or she has been charged? Why did Ngilu want to know from whom did the police take their powerful orders from ‘above’ other than from the Head of State? I don’t think President Kibaki is the type of Head of State who would have the time to get involved in such mundane police matters.

I am no fan of the OP, Provincial Administration and National Security Minister John Michuki, but Ngilu was going too far in mentioning names in this matter, the President, the minister et al. Everyone in country knows that Ali is a very independent police chief and no politician, a minister or otherwise would give him orders and (for Ali to agree) to humiliate any politician and above all a serving government minister. If every minister was allowed to behave as they are laws into themselves then that ‘just society’ that Ngilu is claiming to be fighting for will not be attainable.
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Kalonzo’s defection not a storm in a cup of tea

When Kalonzo Musyoka abandoned the Liberal Democratic Party for Labour Party Kenya it was more shocking than the recent tremors that hit parts of Nairobi and the surrounding areas. People have forgotten about the tremble and are now trying to come to terms to what is going on within the Orange Democratic Movement – Kenya, the only party and or coalition that had a shot of unseating Kibaki from the Presidency.

Supporters and foes alike must give it to Musyoka that his boardroom coup in the ODM Kenya was a well orchestrated and choreographed political move. No one expected it, perhaps even Musyoka’s own close political associates. If the associates knew (about it before hand) then they must be credited for maintaining the silence until it actually happened and they pretend they are not aware of it. Let us not forget that in Kenya when a politician makes a political move by say jumping one ship to another, his or her former comrades have a tendency of trying to belittle the act and pretend to ignore it as if it is inconsequential and insignificant. That is even if when it is momentous and significant.

A recent perfect example is when the Transport Minister Chirau Mwakwere led a group of Coast lawmakers and other politicians to defect from NARC Kenya to the Coast based Shirikisho Party. The move was very significant because of the fact that, the Coast people for the first time in their history, have now a party they can associate with and would fight for their rights. But the Matuga MP and his group’s move were disparaged by the likes of Information and Communications Minister Mutahi Kagwe and others in the what is now turning to be a Mount Kenya people’s party who do not know any better. Today Shirikisho under the leadership of Mwakwere and Morris Dzorro is an important player of the bigger picture in the President Mwai Kibaki’s re-election strategy.

If the Mwingi North MP political defection from LDP, of which he was one of the founder members, to the little known LPK was a storm in a cup of tea, then there would never have been a need for a series of meetings by those who believe that the move in insignificant. The true officials of ODM Kenya are unknown and has put the party into question where the court has given it 30 days to put its house in order or face deregistration. Kalonzo’s move was definitely not a storm in a cup of tea but a storm in high seas where it has the potential to wreck an ocean going vessel like the ODM Kenya. The government has nothing to do with the problems facing ODM Kenya and they should leave the government out of their woes.

Why does Kenyan media lionise those who insult our dignity?

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In Edward Clay's days as the British High Commissioner in Nairobi, he used to insult the country’s leadership and Kenyans at large. His insults were a reminder of what his forekin, the colonists, subjected Africans to. For all his insults and foul language, Clay used to be showered with praises and hand clapping by a good section of the local media. He was a hero of sorts who was sure to grab headlines whenver he opened his mouth. I was, perhaps, the only commentator who did not take pride when that Mzungu used to verbally assault us. I penned down several op-ed commentaries to that effect.

Then, suddenly other Nairobi-based diplomats took a cue from Clay (after he departed) such as the then German Ambassador and began insulting our leaders and people. Who would have thought that some seasoned journalists started to defend the country from the "diplomats" insults? Although, I made an inference to veteran scribe Philip Ochieng (and I wrote to him personally) one of the reasons he penned down a strong commentary in defence of Kenya was because his "home boy" Raphael Tuju had then since been appointed a Foreign Minister. Other scribes, like Columnist Kwamchesti Makhokha praise magazines like The Economist for castigating the Government.

It all started when the Finance Minister was forced to withdraw the Government from what was to be a high-level political and business forum dubbed “The First Business Roundtable with the Government of Kenya.” The two-day conference was to take place in Nairobi on July 17-18 and would have been graced by none other that the Head of State, President Mwai Kibaki amongst other distinguished guests and participants.

Personally, I was very proud that the Government took the position to cancel the conference. There is no point in agreeing to participate in a meeting organized by a group and or a company that has no confidence in or looks down on the Government. My point is not to say that The Economist article was right or wrong, whether it was based on fact or illusions. The point I want to stress here is the fact that Makhokha’s Memos castigate the Government for cancelling the event and believes that what the magazine was saying was the truth.

I kept wondering, if Kenya is in such a depitated state as the article seems to suggest, why then are there more foreign correspondents in Nairobi than in any other African country? Why do many foreigners who get posted in Kenya refuse to leave the country after their call of duty ends? Why haven’t all those foreign reporters particularly those of The Economist shifted their bases to say Addis Ababa, Dar es Salaam, Kampala or Lusaka?
My beef is with the Kenyan media people and other commentators who see nothing wrong when foreign media insults them and their people. Clay was feted by the local media; he became a celebrity in Kenya simply because he was good at insulting us.
I can boldly say that, we have formed a habit of heaping praise on the foreigners who we glorify for castigating us and belittle our own leaders. I say, Kudos Amos Kimunya for your quick intervention to stop” The First Business Roundtable with the Government of Kenya.” You stood up and defended our dignity.

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Moi appointment most deserved

Kwame Nkrumah was a very famous African son. A firm believer in African liberation, Nkrumah pursued a radical Pan-African policy, playing a key role in the formation of the Organisation of African Unity, the forerunner of the present day Africa Union.

However, as the head of government of his native Ghana, Nkrumah was less successful, and as time passed he was accused of forming a dictatorship. It is so sad that Ghana’s first Prime Minister and later President formed a one-party state, with himself as President for life, and was accused of actively promoting a cult of his own personality. He was later overthrown by the military and spent the rest of his life in exile, dying in Bucharest, Romania in 1972. Although, revered by many Africans where his legacy and dream of a “United States of African” still remains a goal among many African people to date.

There are some similarities between Kwame Nkrumah and our own second President Daniel Toroitich arap Moi. For almost a quarter of century as the country’s Head of State, Moi started very well in his initial years (like Nkrumah did) and then became a dictator. Both these two leaders at different times in history presided in a totalitarian rule in their respective countries. In the meantime these two leaders (again separately) cultivated excellent good rapport with fellow African Head of States. As for Moi he concentrated on regional heads of state particularly within the East and Central Africa sub-region.

President Mwai Kibaki out of respect for his predecessor, named Moi as Special Envoy for Peace and Goodwill to Sudan. While I am not elated with the appointment but I must hasten to add that the appointment makes political sense. Moi needed to be kept busy as his Moi Africa Institute was under-utilized. He has special interests in Southern Sudanese people probably because they are his fellow Christians in a majority Muslim country.

As a Head of State, Moi also participated in what was to later to be known as CPA and as such he will be very conversant in handling and discussion such matters and or affairs. As an envoy, Moi needed to be accepted and gain the confidence of the leaders of the twin Sudanese governments -- the Government of National Unity (GNU) headed by Sudanese military strongman General Omer El-Bashir and the Government of Southern Sudan (GOSS) led by Sliva Kiir, who is also doubles as the GNU's first Vice President. Boldly, speaking, President Moi was larger than life outside the country, but less successful when it comes to Kenyans. Nevertheless, I join hands with my fellow Kenyans and the Sudanese people to wish Moi all the best in his new diplomatic assignment.
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'Retail politics' is the way to go

The mushrooming of regional and or ethnic political parties is not a threat to the country’s unity and democracy. In fact, the opposite is true. These parties have the potential of making Kenya stronger, united and democratic. Those who fail to appreciate these fundamentals of retail politics, seems to me that, they don’t see beyond their noses. It is a fact of life that Kenyans are one people on earth who distinguish themselves first as members of their tribes, then as Kenyans.

When it comes to "tribalism and sectarianism" we’ve got to be honest with ourselves. Either we accept the existence and or presence of tribalism and sectarianism and try to operate around these two issues or we continue to refuse to recognize and accept them and we are doomed to fail as a state and people.

Strong regional and ethnic parties are the only solution for making this country stronger, united and democratic in the real senses of those words. This is why national parties tend to do regional balancing by hand picking individuals from the seven Kenyan provinces (minus the Nairobi area) whether they are the true people representatives or not. For instance, Taib Ali Taib and Marsden Madoka would be the Coast representatives of Kanu whether they are liked by Kanu Coast supporters (if any) or not. Another example is Mukhisa Kituyi who would automatically be the Narc Kenya representative from Western Province, and on and on it goes.

But Shirikisho Party or Ford Kenya or Ford People respectively for Coast, Western and Gusii-Nyanza as regional parties will produce popular leaders of their respective regions for these parties. No hand picking of individuals purportedly to be the leaders of the people.
When these regional and or sectarian parties join hands and form a coalition, like Narc, they bring true and popular leaders of their respective regions -- making the coalition based on a sound foundation and stronger like a brick or stone house. That is why a brand new coalition friendly to President Mwai Kibaki will be unveiled next week. A grand coalition whose ticket Kibaki will seek his Presidential re-election.

The strategy is to use regional political parties that are deemed popular in their respective regions where these regional leaders will all have a stake in the government whether they hail form small or populous tribes.

In fact the 2002 General Election forever changed the Kenyan political landscape as we knew it.
There is no more room for larger single national parties. Kanu is a prefect example. It has no national appeal anymore. It is now the party of Uhuru Kenyatta with no appeal anywhere other than in Rift Valley and this is simply because the region feels obliged to respect former President Daniel arap Moi and nothing more. Whether we would like to accept this reality or not is one thing, but truth be told, national parties without strong regional and ethnic sub-parties tend to have a free hand where they traditionally tend to favour the larger and or populous tribes because of their numerical strengths.

In doing so the then tends to marginalize the small tribes and for a country with more than forty tribes this is a recipe for a catastrophic political consequence.

omarahmedali@gmail.com

Spectre of tribalism Kenya’s undoing

DISPATCH FROM WASHINGTON

By Abdillah Alawy

Are you surprised that David Mwiraria is back in the Cabinet? Or why ODM-Kenya is imploding right in front of our eyes? Why is Joseph Kamotho, a well-regarded opposition figure, supporting President Mwai Kibaki? Why is Mr Kibaki extending seemingly-honest praises to the former president Mr Daniel arap Moi? What more surprises are in the offing?

Why is Raila Odinga blasted by politicians from Ukambani only? Why is Uhuru Kenyatta warming up to Mr Daniel arap Moi? For one, it is election time—times when appropriate ethnic re-alignment will put a politician in or out of her job come January 2008. Still, the political landscape is exploding in the most revealing manner since independence.

Relax, you are not going crazy. You are not losing your intellectual sophistication or analytical tools because what you are seeing is what is truly happening on the ground. You are seeing the undignified exposure of our tribal ego. You are seeing the true colours of Kenyan politicians in their worst elements of ethnic ideologues. Only this time, they have stooped so low in personal stature and are out peddling a mean-spirited vision to the whole world.
In the contemporary politics of Kenya, there is no party-ideology or indoctrination that can beat tribal loyalty and the assumed safety-net existing within our ethnic enclaves. It is evident that blood thickens as you move closer to your family-tree and dilutes thin as you face the other guy who speaks a different dialect. Such has been our past, the present and, God forbid, a scary foundation we are laying for the next generation. National pride is slowly eroding into tribal arrogance.
Many historians have advanced the notion that Africans made a wrong start after we untangled the chains of slavery, colonization and other demeaning Western cruelties. After fighting for our national independence, we embarked on self-rule and soon after, it was realised, the citizenry was ethnically divided and may lead to the destruction of our unity.
But we were eager to develop first and address ethnicity later. We thought the shortest route to advance our society was in copying what the Europeans were doing in their countries. We went full throttle in building our institutions modelled after the West. We forgot that we were a much divided people in terms of our tribes.

Our political leaders of the time decided that our divisions were going to be manipulated productively in the future. All this for their selfish ends—and of course, our politicians were prophetic at that prediction. So, one idea was for us to become as westernised in our outlook but loyally tribal for our political potential. By default rather than ingenuity, our politicians have succeeded in both these projects.

However, the underlying phenomenon during the last forty-four years history of our nation’s self-rule has been an embarrassing power struggle among individuals with serious egomaniac tendencies. Individual whose ethnic identity has become instrumental in partitioning Kenyan communities as means of “divide and rule.”
Almost by accident, the regime of Daniel Arap Moi took over power from the predominant Kikuyu and subsequently revenged through opening-up exclusive resources and opportunities for his Kalenjin community. For more than two decades Moi’s group of tribes unfairly benefited from educational scholarships, plush military, public and parastatal jobs and all the so-called fruits of independence.

So when the “spectator tribes”, the ethnic groups that were sidelined, joined forces through a
political coalition it was assumed very strategic to go for another Kikuyu in Mwai Kibaki. Either the Kikuyu had their turn of accumulating wealth or an adopted Memorandum of Understanding (MoU) was going to prevent the new president from “tribal” misbehaviour. Both theories were proved wrong as Kibaki ruthlessly trashed the MoU and the Kikuyu embraced a second wave of harvest with impunity. This time around the Mount Kenya coalition was significantly strengthened.

With this exhibition from the two ODM-K leaders, I do not see a Kalonzo or Raila government that could have been structurally different from what we have today. Evidently, the spectators’ desperation is at its peak and Kalonzo and Raila may never agree again because they both think it is their turn to harvest for their respective tribes. The role of leading a spectator’s tribe is tiring and sickening.

aalawy@gmail.com

Sycophancy, misplaced heroism is out of place

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I abhor sycophancy in whatever form. It was reported that during a leaders’ meeting at Kyuso District Commissioner’s residence last week, in the presence of Prsident Mwai Kibaki, the acting District Commissioner David Jakaiti attempted to block Kalonzo Musyoka and his Mwingi South counterpart David Musila, from addressing the meeting.

One would infer that Jakaiti was trying to protect his battered bread in front of his overall boss and his immediate supervisor -John Michuki. But times have changed. What was Jakaiti thinking in blocking people’s elected representatives from addressing their own constituents?
Was he perhaps trying to ensure that his action would guarantee his job confirmation to a full DC from the acting capacity? For heavens sake, Musyoka and Musila were the host Members of Parliament. By denying local politicians a chance to address their constituents in front of the President was wrong.

We are in a democratic society and not a one party rule or in a totalitarian government. I am glad that President Kibaki, a true democrat and statesman to boot boldly came to the rescue of the situation, where he averted it by giving Musyoka a chance to speak.
The former Environment Minister was allowed to address the gathering and in turn invited Musila do the same. The acting DC's hostility to the local politicians will most likely undermine his effectiveness in the area, and perhaps, the best thing will be transfer him elsewhere . Unless of course Jakaiti’s immediate supervisor, Michuki, would love to have a hostile underlying in Musyoka backyard. Having castigated the over-zealous and equally over-obedient Jakaiti, I must say that it was inappropriate for the one time Foreign Affairs Minister to play politics at this the presidential event.

Kalonzo always likes to paint himself as an accomplished diplomat but playing cheap politics is not being diplomatic at all. The President was visiting Eastern province’s Ukambani sub-region and presiding over the commission several Government funded projects in the province.
These were events planed earlier and as such he was not trying to woo voters. For Kalonzo to raise political issues by telling Kibaki to his face that he should brace for a tough political battle in the forthcoming General Election was cheap and tactless politics.
It was the wrong time at a wrong place to play politics. President Kibaki has run three presidential campaigns, two unsuccessful and one successful, where he has was the candidate himself. It is without a doubt Kibaki is the most experienced and seasoned of all the presidential candidates in the country today.

He does not need to be informed that he will face an uphill battle come next Election. Furthermore, Kalonzo is not guaranteed to capture the ODM-K presidential nomination ticket, unless of course, he plans to be in the race no matter the out come.
Kalonzo might have impressed his loyal supporters and thinking he is being courageous, but there is nothing courageous in what he did but a lack of manners in disrespecting the President and the Presidency.

***
Halt move on new constituencies

I think the whole idea and attempt to create new constituencies and "special parliamentary seats"-for women, youth and the disabled- is the right one but the timing is inappropriate.
Timing is every thing and in this case timing is completely off the mark. Without a doubt many Kenyans are wondering why all of a sudden the Government of National Unity, or the GNU, thinks it is prudent to come up with a Bill to create new constituencies at a time when the country is already in election fever – we are less than six months from the ‘mother of all general elections’
If the Justice and Constitutional Affairs Minister Martha Karua and her group think it make good sense to create more constituencies and "the special parliamentary seats" why wasn’t it done last year, or two or even three years ago?
The country’s population explosion did not occur in the last six months or so. You can’t blame those who are against the move from reading into this as sinister motives in Madam Karua’s (and in extension the GNU) proposal.

Why such a rush? In this aspect it is not a question of siding with the Opposition or not, but I think it is fair to say that some GNU hawks are overstepping their bounds in their zealous endeavour to protect their butter soaked bread and to make sure they remain in power after the next General Election by hook or crook.
Sad to say but the fact remains that it is politicians and the president's handlers such as Martha

Karua and some of the other GNU hawks who by their actions indirectly spoil the good name of the government of President Mwai Kibaki.
This reminds me of the former US Defense Secretary Donald Rumfeld’s hard headed decisions that sink the Bush Administration in the Iraq quagmire.

It is for legal scholars and other constitution experts to determine the right way of approaching what seems to be too delicate a matter. They are two schools of thoughts as to how we should go about handling the matter — if it is through an Act of Parliament or through constitutional amendment.Personally I do not support the views of the ODM-K leadership that the Government intends to rig the Election in its favour or that the whole idea of creating new constituencies is to increase the Government numerical strength as most of them will be in the populous and government friendly regions.

Kibaki is going to win re-election, rigging or no rigging. In addition, the National Assembly will have a majority Kibaki friendly MPs, new constituencies or not.
I can boldly say that the bottom line should be that the proposed new constituencies and the "special seats" should be implemented in the 2012 Election and not this year.
***
How about trying to do it the American way?

The two major political parties in the United States, the Republican Party and Democratic Party have more than fifteen presidential aspirants combined. Each of the candidates is trying to become the nominee of his or her respective party without doing any joint rallies or campaign appearances.

The only time they are seen together in one room is when there are appearing for their respective parties’ presidential debates. They don’t meet for breakfasts or to lunches strategize how to beat their opposing party’s opponent. In Kenya, we see ODM-K candidates conducting joint rallies, and meetings for breakfasts and lunches.

In addition, when ODM-K presidential aspirants launched their respective "visions" it was done in the presence of some of their perceived “rivals”. For instance, we witnessed Raila Odinga praising Musalia Mudavadi for his vision and Balala praising Odinga Raila for his, et al. In one of the joint rallies, we read reports that, one of the leading ODM-K candidates Kalonzo Musyoka was booed, interrupted and disrupted by the ODM-K crowed when he stood to address them.
The rally in Mombasa was their party’s political rally, why boo one of their own beats me. Was that the work of one of the Mwingi North legislator’s rivals within their own party? Your guess is as good as mine. In the US, it is a different ball game.

For instance, in the Democratic Party, the two leading candidates, Senators Barack Obama and Hilary Clinton are fighting it out until the bitter end. But whoever loses the nomination will automatically support and endorse the winner.
The same is the case in the Republican Party’s three leading candidates, former New York Mayor Rudy Giuliani, former Massachusetts governor Mitt Romney and Senator John McCain. Simply put, whoever wins the nomination of their respective political party will automatically count the support and endorsement of his or her former rivals for the coveted ticket, but until then they are not together and their friendships is shelved. They don’t dine and wine together as is the case with what is happening in Kenya.

It is not fair to expect the American democratic tradition to become part and parcel of our political way of life in only forty years since we attained our independence and even shorter period since we became a truly multi-party democratic country.
Americans have come along way as they recently celebrated 231 years of independence. But there is nothing wrong to copy and emulate the United States, as most of politicians are found to visit this great nation.

omarahamedali@gmail.com
http://www.timesnews.co.ke/22jul07/edi

NARC K not President Kibaki's only party

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It has been an open secret that President Mwai Kibaki was not going to be the NARC Kenya’s presidential flag-barer in his re-election bid despite the fact that the party assembles a section of politicians allied to the president. The reason behind being pretty simple, Kibaki has yet to embrace the party and the fact that Kibaki, a seasoned politician, is very much aware that he needs more than NARC Kenya for his presidential campaign to succeed.

Although forecast after forecast was that Kibaki would not use NARC Kenya for the re-election bid, the fog was lifted when Dr. Christopher Murungaru, one of the president’s closest confidantes spoke clearly on the issue and confirmed the obvious. The former Transport minister recently hinted that Kibaki’s re-election party may not exist, at least not as yet. He went further to give an inkling that a new platform could and would be found. Some of the NARC Kenya politicians who were once more than sure that Kibaki was their party’s presidential flag-bearer must be sadden and demoralized by the hints.

They are demoralized because in an interview with one of the local dailies, the Kieni MP went on to note, "The writing is on the wall. Narc-Kenya with its amorphous national leadership cannot execute the business from which political parties are formed. It is a reality many have come to accept that we cannot run a national presidential, parliamentary and civic election on our own. We are looking at a grand coalition and joint nomination of candidates."

The former OP National Security and Provincial Administration Minister did not mince his words by calling a spade a spade and not an oversize spoon. The fact of the matter is that politicians like Murungaru appreciate the reality that no political party in the country can win the general election on its own. Coalition politics is the new phenomenon.

NARC Kenya politicians such as the party interim Secretary General Dr. Mukhisa Kituyi and others in his mind set who are opposed to the coalition idea are politically naïve. On the face value they appear rhetoric in their statements of wanting to going alone but still naïve to genuinely believe that Kibaki could win a presidential election without a coalition of friendly parties. One would have thought experienced the well schooled and politically experienced Kituyi would appreciate such a phenomenon, its shocking that he leads the group that opposes any form of a coalition. Very sad indeed.

Come general elections here are the facts. Central province’s massive support is a lock for Kibaki. The president doesn’t need NARC Kenya when it comes to his native province votes. But to garner votes in Western province, Kibaki would need the support of Musikari Kombo’s Ford Kenya, in Nyanza Simon Nyachae’s Ford People and in the Coast, Chirau Mwakwere led and repackaged Shirikisho. The greater Eastern province, the president would need a partner in Ukambani apart from his longtime loyalist Livestock and Fisheries Minister John Munyao. Apart from the Mbooni MP, in Ukambani that political partner would probably come in the form of the National Party of Kenya led by the Health Minister Charity Ngilu. In the expansive and populous Rift Valley, there is George Saitoti and Kipruto arap Kirwa to spearhead Kibaki’s campaign.

NARC Kenya politicians opposed to the coalition idea can dismiss Murungaru’s view points at their own risk. They should be happy that they have courageous individuals such as the Kieni MP in their party; bold individuals’ who are seen to be down–to-earth and pragmatic in their understanding and approach to the prevailing political realities.


________________

It is a fact that with a population of fewer than 35 million people and with over one hundred registered political parties, Kenya is probably the country with the highest number of "registered" political parties in the entire democratic world. Although we must to keep in mind that ‘registered’ political parties and ‘active’ political parties (let alone parliamentary parties) are two different monkeys.

Briefcase parties are found every where in the democratic world, even in the United States for those who might not be aware of this fact. There are more than forty plus political parties in the US. These parties might not have been successful in sending representatives to the US Congress or to the fifty states’ legislatures but they exist in the books as political parties. So the notion that America has only two parties is wrong.

There should be no problem that we have more than 100 political parties in the country. The problem lies in the fact of the matter that there are no rigid conditions in place as prerequisite for individuals applying for registration of political parties.

We can talk of the need of a two-party system until cows come home but the country must evolve from the one hundred political parties to two or three or four parties without forcing the idea to people or the country. In the United States, although they are more than forty political parties, however the two, Democratic and the Republican parties, are the famous and the largest ones that have representatives in the US congress and the fifty states’ legislatures. The rest of the political parties exist but in names only.

The proposed Political Parties Act must impose stipulations such as:

• Set a specific number of registered voters (1000 at the very minimum) who must sign a charter supporting the registration of a political party.
  
• A registered political party (or parties) that fail to have fifteen parliamentary candidates (or at least 10 percent of the contested parliamentary seats) in a general election automatically becomes deregistered.
  A political party that fails to secure a parliamentary seat and or at least 20 Civic Council seats should also be deregistered.
  
• Parties must have written party constitutions and present to the Registrar and the Electoral Commission of Kenya (ECK). Officials and members alike of the parties’ must abide by the rules they themselves put together.
  
• Parties must conduct elections regularly under the watchful eye of the ECK.
  Presidential candidates must be able to secure the support of 5,000 registered voters’ per province from five of the eight provinces.

This way we would not have presidential candidates’ who cannot win parliamentary and or civic seats. Remove the ‘riff ruff’ from the presidential contenders so to speak.

Of course there are other appropriate stipulations that the policy makers can come up with that can make registering and maintaining political parties not as easy as ABC or 123. Currently it is hard to set up an insurance agency than it is to set up a political party. Although the law allows people to register as many political parties as they want but there is a compelling need to create some sort order in this aspect.

We have less than ten parliamentary parties and with the ever changing political landscape we might end up with two or three major political parties prior and or after the general election. It is very likely that the two or three major political parties shall be the ODM Kenya (with or without KANU); President Kibaki's GNU supporters (coming out with some sort of an alliance) and KANU if it opts out of the ODM Kenya which all signs indicates it will.

_______________

As a true statesman and a democrat to boot President Mwai Kibaki has ruled out the possibility of extending the life of the current parliament. The president noted, "If there was any need to interfere with the process, then the General Election should have been brought forward as Kenyans are normally engaged with many activities during the month of December."

Unlike his fellow African heads of states, Kibaki has remained true to his words and is still proving his local critics wrong in all spheres. Kibaki has used his term in office to develop the country and has spent less time politicking.

It was rumored that the election was to be postponed to next February.
But the head of state continued to note, "But since the General Election had been planned for December, we will allow the process to go on as scheduled and we will not change anything this time around."

While speaking at a consultative forum he held with Muslim leaders at State House Nairobi, Mr. Kibaki today stated that he would always defend the rights of Kenyans to vote in leaders of their choice, as a key pre-requisite for democracy. He reiterated that his Government would also remain at the forefront in defending the spirit of multi party democracy.

Tribalism or no tribalism; favoritism and nepotism or not, Kibaki is the best president the country since independence and he deserves to be re-elected. There is favoritism and nepotism everywhere in the democratic world, be it in the US, Canada, India or within the European countries. It doesn’t make it right but it is the nature of the business. There will be favoritism and nepotism when ODM Kenya comes to power to think otherwise is to fool oneself. I am not going to beat about the bush but would ask my fellow Kenyans to think twice before electing ODM Kenya to power as its leaders are more concerned as to how they will share powers as opposed as to how they will develop the country.

It is unheard of in Africa for an African head of state who has a chance but refuses to turn oneself to a dictator. Kibaki is one of them. Let us look around and we shall see evidence in plain sight where leaders such a Uganda's strongman Yoweri Museveni who has twisted his country’s constitution to enable him to continue to cling to power past his tenure. Others not so successful like the Nigerian former head of state Gen. Olesegun Obasanjo who failed in his bid to cling to power undemocratically. Obasanjo ended up disgracing himself in particular and the African continent in general.